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But for several decades some have been arguing that the choice of six months as the ideal space between visits is rather arbitrary. Back in 1977 Aubrey Sheiham, a professor of dental public health at University College London, published a paper in The Lancet bemoaning the lack of evidence for six monthly check-ups . Almost 40 years on, outlet shop free shipping fashionable Asics GelQuantum 360 2 Pink Running Shoes footlocker for sale wholesale price for sale free shipping very cheap giUyCl
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(Thinkstock)

In 2003 a systematic review examined the research that had then been done . The results were mixed. Some studies found no difference between the number of decayed teeth, fillings or missing teeth in those who attended the dentist frequently and those who didn’t, while other studies found fewer fillings in those who went a lot. When it came to gums most research found no difference in the amount of bleeding, plaque or gingivitis in permanent teeth. One study found that going to the dentist more than once a year made no difference to the size of tumours at diagnosis with oral cancer, while another found that if people waited more than a year between visits, tumours could be more advanced when they were found.

Last year the Cochrane Collaboration performed a similar systematic review of the research , and they were disappointed with what they found. The quality and quantity of the research was simply too poor to back up or refute the idea of six-monthly check-ups. They found just one controlled study where patients were randomised to attend the dentist either annually or every two years. Those who went annually did better, but it’s possible that the dental staff knew whether patients were in the annual or two-yearly group, which could have influenced the treatment they received and biased the results.

There’s something else we have to bear in mind. Even when a study finds, for example, that children who go to the dentist frequently have fewer fillings, there may be other factors at work. Those same children may have other advantages ; they may belong to a higher socio-economic group, eat more healthily and have better quality dental equipment.

(Thinkstock)

There is a secondary purpose to dental visits. Even if the dentist doesn’t spot any problems, they are likely to remind you to keep on caring for your teeth and cleaning them properly – although there’s no consensus about the best way of doing that either .

How often should you visit the dentist, then? Bodies like , which provides guidance for the National Health Service in England and Wales, say that the frequency of dental visits all depends on the individual. They recommend that children go at least once a year because their teeth can decay faster, while adults without problems can wait as long as two years. They even go as far as to say that longer than two years is OK for people who have shown commitment to caring for their teeth and gums. Similar advice is given elsewhere. An expert group reviewing the evidence in Finland back in 2001 recommended that under-18s who are at low risk could visit between every 18 months and two years .

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Basic comparisons of population growth rates don’t tell the whole story, and they misrepresent important questions about where people really want to live.

Every year, in the late spring, the Census Bureau releases its latest population estimates for the nation’s municipalities. That produces a raft of quick knock-on statistical analyses that flag which places are gaining and losing population. Inevitably, these estimates get aggregated to the national level, and pronouncements are made as to whether “cities” or “suburbs” are winning the race for more population.

The Brookings Institution’s Bill Frey published his nearly annual take on the Census Bureau population numbers late last month. His call on the city vs. suburb horserace: “The trend seems to be shifting toward a renewed suburban advantage.” That claim is likely to fuel arguments that America’s love affair with cities is over, that Americans (and especially Millennials) really want to live in the suburbs, and general harrumphing that urbanism is somehow past its peak.

As always, Frey’s math is impeccable. But we have to take issue with the analysis and the conclusions that people are likely to draw from the raw numbers. It’s too early, and this data is too ambiguous and incomplete to make any strong statements about the American desire for urban living. It turns out that municipal boundaries are problematic for making comparisons across space and over time; that when we take a longer-term perspective, the uptick in city population is still quite noticeable (despite the data flaws), and finally, we ought to be paying much more attention to relative prices than relative growth rates, if we want to understand the value Americans place on urban living.

The limits of city limits

City boundaries are lousy for making these cross-metro comparisons. Municipal boundaries aren’t standardized or consistent in any way. Some cities have copious amounts of low density sprawl inside their city limits (Jacksonville, San Antonio), while others are just a fraction of the urban core).

If we want to know the demand for urbanity and dense, walkable, transit-served city neighborhoods, you can’t just rely on aggregating census data for an entire city. What and others have done to understand the varying spatial character of growth is to use much finer and more consistent measures, such as the 3-mile radius around the central business district. These data show a consistently strong performance for city centers in population and job growth .

This kind of aggregation also hides urban growth booms within cities. Chicago’s downtown and near North and South neighborhoods are booming, even as the city’s total population decreases (mostly due to declines in the lowest density parts of the city). In addition, population growth is down sharply in the region’s outlying suburbs.

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